Marginalized subjects, mainstream objectives: insights on outsiders in recent German Film

For those who remained unconvinced as to the merits of German unification, the acts of violence perpetrated against the immigrant population and against asylum seekers, which received considerable media interest in the early nineties, tended to confirm their suspicions that the east Germans not only lacked the liberal values that the west Germans had supported and upheld since the end of the war, but that they posed a possible threat to them. 2 The continuing support for extremist parties in the eastern states (in recent elections, both the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NDP) and Deutsche Volksunion (DVU) succeeded in surmounting the 5% needed for parliamentary representation) tends to be viewed as a sad indictment of the east Germans’ illiberal attitude and of their failure either to accept or support the spirit of pluralism that underpins a healthy democracy. The negative view of the east is encouraged not only by the highprofile media attention usually given to any right-wing activity in the east but also by the imprudent comments periodically uttered by various public figures. 3 These have ensured that the east continues to be associated with a series of unflattering, often offensive characteristics, ranging from the east Germans’ alleged indolence, to their moral depravity, and their political radicalism (manifest in the support for fringe parties, on the left and the right). A former government spokesman, Uwe-Karsten Heye, for example, recently commented that non-white

damage to the equally alarming violent racism, audiences were flocking to see sentimental comedies such as Go, Trabi, Go (Peter Timm, 1990). These films capitalized on, and perhaps hoped to prolong, the early euphoria that followed the state's collapse. Any reference to postunification tension -the challenge of system transformation, racism, unemployment, ecological disaster -was usually played for laughs. At a time when German society was undergoing the most dramatic changes in almost half a century, many commercial filmmakers were thus content with exploiting the comic possibilities that the encounters between east and west offered. The conflict that arose between the populations east and west of the former border may have been the source of genuine antagonism, but it was invariably presented as a dialectic of global enterprise (predatory west Germans representing corporate interests) and local industry (represented by vulnerable east Germans), which lack of specificity accounts for the films' popularity in the west.
Providing a balance to these mainstream comic accounts of life in the east were several dozen, low-budget films which performed a critical dissection of the Wende. These narratives addressed the economic and social realities facing the east German community, usually providing a critique of both the GDR and the FRG. The majority of the films searched out places and locations unfamiliar to most German audiences and focused on provincial communities that had ruptured since unification. Where the mainstream films situated their narratives in the region's picturesque locations, it is the barren fields, abandoned homesteads and derelict industrial premises that provide a standard backdrop for these bleak accounts. The east Germans' apparently innate provincialism, which in the mainstream films had indulged a nostalgia for a pre-modern Germany, was often inverted so that the east Germans' lack of sophistication was no longer old -fashioned or charming, but an indication of backwardness, a way of thinking and behaving that prevented the population from rising to the challenges of a modern German society.
Unlike the mainstream comedies, individuals found no solace among members of their own community. What did unite individuals in these social-critical narratives was a mutual fear of outsiders, one that was often articulated using the vocabulary of the far right, and the east Germans' alleged propensity for violence and discrimination was one of several recurring topoi in many of the films made in the nineties. The narratives ultimately highlighted the inhabitants' limited options and marginalized existences, exposing the post-unification rhetoric of integration, opportunity and parity as political cant.
Perhaps the most significant development in the depiction of east Germans was the emergence of the nostalgia film which came to prominence in the late nineties. The Ostalgie films challenged the dominant practices of representation, both the cheery condescension of the early comedies and the gloomy outlook of the period's social dramas. 16 Profiting from the east Germans' new-found interest for used east German culture, which had contributed to the articulation of a separate cultural identity, these films celebrated aspects of life in the GDR in a way that would have been unimaginable some years earlier. Not surprisingly, there has been considerable debate among scholars and commentators as to whether the nostalgic narratives are, as some would have it, revisionist accounts of life in the GDR or, as others claim, a harmless celebration of life under socialism, which enables east Germans to protect their experiences and memories from the western version of events. 17 The Ostalgie trend is rela ted to the east Germans' perception of disadvantage. The failure fully to integrate minority groups in a host culture exacerbates feelings of exclusion and inevitably promotes a reassessment and reassertion of the culture of origin, and is by no means uniq ue to the east Germans. Feeling that they are somehow barred from full integration with west German society (or at least that access to similar levels of prosperity has been unjustly deferred), they have set about preserving their cultural distinctiveness, a process that is viewed as a provocation and an insult by some Germans. It would be incorrect to see the east Germans' reappraisal of life under socialism as an attempt to forge a wholly separate identity or as a rude rejection of democratic values. They may routinely distinguish themselves as east German, but they also recognize their attachment to a pan-German culture, a hyphenated identity not dissimilar to developments among other minority groups who move between mainstream German culture and the culture of origin -be it Turkish, Kosovan, or Vietnamese. The attempted promulgation of separate identities is often viewed with some suspicion by members of the host culture. One of the persistent allegations made against foreigners in Germany, according to 16  Kolinsky, 'concerns their alleged distance from mainstream German culture and their lack of willingness to integrate'. 18 Symbols of obvious cultural difference may be regarded as a wilful rejection of their values. The more obvious the cultural signifier, the stronger is usually the reaction. The Muslim headscarf, the hijab, which prompted heated debate in several European countries, including Germany, is such an example. 19 Some east Germans' decision to wear old Party shirts and insignia is doubtless more of a provocation, but the effect is not dissimilar (although this does not suggest that the east Germans are likely to sympathize with outward displays of difference among other minority groups).
Recent years have seen politicians, generally conservatives, demanding that minority communities integrate more closely with their host community. While the conservatives' proposed Leitkultur policy was widely dismissed when it was first outlined in 2000, the call for greater participation by (ethnic) minorities and for cultural assimilation has grown in urgency since 9/11, albeit without the chauvinistic overtones inherent in the CDU's proposition. 20 East Germans have likewise been urged to abandon their culture (where this is seen as the product of a socialist dictatorship) and to demonstrate greater commitment to German democracy. For some commentators, the celebration of GDR culture was an affront to Germany's democratic sensibilities, and the nostalgic revival that first began in the mid-nineties and which has continued through various manifestations and permutations was interpreted as revisionism. What these commentators failed to recognize was that that this performative nostalgia often signalled an ironic take on the past rather than any genuine commitment to Marxist-Leninist ideology; only very few are likely to have donned official dress as a way of demonstrating their loyalty to the young, for whom mementoes from the GDR function as fashion rather than political statements (though the two are not incompatible). 21 Despite Ostalgie's commercial significance and its appeal across generations and regions, it should not be viewed only in terms of its profitability or as a postmodern trend that has seen the kitsch commodification of communism. The east Germans' nostalgia for particular aspects of the past was undoubtedly a response to the dissatisfactions of the present. One of the major frustrations for east Germans was the feeling that they were no longer able to narrate their own past, and that the GDR had suddenly become a history to be told by outsiders. In this sense, Ostalgie allows memory to assume primacy over history; it elevates the particular above the universal, hence its original importance for the east German community -or iginal, because Ostalgie has largely been assimilated into mainstream German cultural life. 22

Ostwind -a breath of fresh air?
The commercial hijacking of Ostalgie obscured the circumstances that had given rise to the trend, and the resulting Ostalgie television shows were less a celebration of east German culture than a comical post-mortem. The socio-economic realities facing present-day eastern Germany tend to be overshadowed by both these nostalgia narratives and by the popular historical accounts of the GDR which focus predominantly on the iniquities of the dictatorship. The decision, then, by ZDF and ORB to initiate a series of films that would promote young directors from the east and west Ostalgie still further. Though not the first film to address or facilitate the east Germans' celebration of their past, it was the first film to enjoy success in both halves of Germany and beyond -Becker's film was an unprecedented international box-office hit. Capitalizing on the vogue for retro fashion, the film offered an original and entertaining insight into the early months of social and political transition facing east Germans and, in the process, attempted to comment on the east Germans' idealization of their past, a past that is clearly invented. Good Bye, Lenin! fostered a wider interest in east German, that is G DR, culture, and the film's popularity prompted television channels to produce their own Ostalgie shows, variations of the nostalgia show format popular in much of European television. of the east over the years, these films (financed by regional film-funding boards and generous state arts subsidies) received limited distribution, if they received distribution at all, and did not always secure the broadcast slots that were guaranteed as part of the Ostwind packa ge.
Ostwind, which was originally conceived by the Chief Executive of ORB, Hans-Jürgen Rosenbauer, owes much to 'Das Kleine Fernsehspiel', the influential series established by the German public service broadcaster, ZDF, more than forty years ago. This series has long championed non-commercial filmmaking in Germany, reaching its critical apogee in the seventies, during which time directors associated with New German Cinema were able to take advantage of the channel's progressive attitude towards films that gave voice to the politically and socially marginalized. 23 The channel's willingness to support novice directors and projects that would otherwise doubtless fail to find the necessary finance has continued, and 'Das Kleine Fernsehspiel' has been instrumental in providing a platform for directors who have since gone on to win awards and critical kudos. Germans who move to work at the country's first Swedish furniture store. 25 Unusually, most of the titles were given a theatrical release and subsequently broadcast on both stations. Despite the limited contact with audiences that a run at low-profile film festivals offers and the typically late night broadcast slots, the films probably enjoyed greater exposure than would have otherwise been the case -assuming that they had ever succeeded in getting the films funded. The choice of films that were offered under its rubric reveal a progressively liberal principle, namely to reflect 23  Whether the series truly achieves this is debatable. Despite similarities in their production budgets, visual style and eastern orientation, the twelve films made by young directors (the oldest was born in 1957, the youngest in 1973, and many of them were still studying at the celebrated film school in Potsdam) are qualitatively inconsistent (though the series won over twenty film prizes in all).
Not all of the films bear out the rather earnest statement of intent outlined by the commissioning producers. Befreite Zone (Norbert Baumgarten, 2002), for instance, is a satire set in a provincial east German to wn where the residents' spirits are raised when the local football team recruits a talented Nigerian player whose arrival makes a positive impact not just on the team's scorecards but on the town's fortunes. While Baumgarten's film reflects some of the contemporary unification issues -racism, regional economic decline, the imposition of west 26 Ziesche and von Donop. 27 I use mainstream here as a designation for those productions which, adhering to certain commercially successful, tried-and-tested principles, generally enjoy bigger budgets. The Ostwind films discussed do not necessarily challenge the formal conventions of commercial filmmaking (artistic experimentation with no concern for audience tastes rarely receives much financial support from public television production), but their subject matter often runs countercurrent to the mainstream. erroneously show men to be unification's losers when in fact research indicates that it was women who have faced the greatest challenges and prejudices during the period of social and political transformation -but Zacharias's film also suggests that he perpetuates his victim status, much to the consternation of his son. This is an altogether surprising approach to her protagonist's circumstances, given the sensitivity of the issue. Unemployment is high in eastern Germany and has been attributed to various causes, including the mass redundancies that followed the downsizing or closure of many businesses after unification (which contributed to the east Germans' sense of injustice), and the east Germans' alleged reluctance to work (a familiar west German complaint). 31  Generational difference is a theme that emerges also in Esther Gronenborn's Adil Geht.
Gronenborn, who came to prominence with alaska. de (2001), her prize-winning film of east 31 Economic disparity is central to the east/west antagonism. The recent introduction of the welfare reform package known as 'Hartz IV', which seeks to reduce the support given to the long-term unemployed, led to mass demonstrations in the east, where this change in policy looked set to affect a considerable portion of the population. families and any exclusionary tactic s by the German community. 39 Possessing the language skills and cultural references that their parents lack, they are able to negotiate with the host German society represented by its various institutions (schools, authorities, workplace); but they also fulfil traditional roles inside the micro-culture of their parental home. More than simple recreation, the youth-club environment where they practise their dance routines is an opportunity for these teenagers to engage with, and participate in, a culture that is all their own.
One of the most interesting aspects of Adil Geht is its refusal to bow to issues that typically dominate such sub-cultural portraits. Gronenborn's film avoids reducing the various immigrant families to a composite of 'otherness' but highlights cultural di fferences within this from everyday teenagers to neo-Nazis. For some of its members, the attraction of being in such a group is to be found in the social, male-orientated world that it represents; for others, it is the faction's ideology (which, as Tenner's documentary also shows, reveals a shaky grasp of history). 42 Other factors explaining this Mitläufertum may be cited too: the individuals' subordinate social status, their economically disadvantaged lives, peer group pressure, the influence of older figures. These issues, which are mostly absent in other post-unification narratives, go some way to rationalizing the teenagers' conversion without condoning it. The film even allows for a rare, sympathetic view of neo-Nazis -or at least one of them, the charismatic Thomas. Where his Kamaraden show little understanding of right-wing ideology and are far more interested in venting their aggression on the vulnerable individuals that they encounter, he is a more even-tempered figure, who recognizes that Georg, the west German newcomer, might be a valuable recruit to the right-wing cause, not least because of his martial arts expertise. The developing friendship between Thomas and Georg, which bears some homoerotic overtones, ultimately threatens the former's position within the hierarchy and results in a savage beating for the east and west German when they try to prevent one of the gang's assaults.
Borscht's film faces greater problems in trying to rationalize his main protagonist's temporary transition from enlightened, modern west German to local skinhead. A combination of factors apparently precipitates such a transfer in attitude -his relocation from the west to the east and the ensuing sense o f displacement, the potential friendship offered by the gang and, finally, a feeling of betrayal brought on by the end of his relationship with Jasmin, an Afro-American-German girl back in the west. His conversion is ultimately little more than a drastic h aircut. 42 The films documenting the neo -Nazi scene were not without their detractors. A jury member on one of the festival panels objected to Borscht's handling of right-wing imagery. Some critics disagreed with Tenner's No Exit, which is a useful companion piece to Kombat Sechzehn, seeing her focus on these individuals' rather unexceptional lives as a failure to address or condemn their politics in a sufficiently robust manner. Tenner follows the banal routines of her subjects, following the day -to-day habits of their domestic, professional and social lives. The film thus normalizes individuals generally demonized by the German media. In contrast to other documentaries and news items, Tenner's film lets the subjects speak for themselves. Rather than providing a platform for neo-Nazis, this approach engenders its own critique, since the political rhetoric consists of the usual clichés, and the individuals are exposed as political naïfs who are generally unable to summon any logical or convincing responses when challenged by others. No Exit and, to a lesser extent, Kombat Sechzehn, emphasize the ordinariness of these lives, and, in so doing, alter the usual image of Neo-Nazis as outré or fringe figures.
Finally, his decent, liberal principles prevail, and he and Georg are able to break away from their erstwhile peers. Sceptics might accuse Kombat Sechzehn of reinforcing the notion of the westerner as the better-informed, morally responsible German, but the film also outlines the east German's capacity for change.

Conclusion
Several of the films showing as part of the Ostwind series reveal a new interest in focusing on a young generation of east Germans that has little, if any, connection to the GDR. Accordingly, the protagonists' socio-economic circumstances are no longer viewed explicitly through the prism of Germany's transformation process. Nor do the films adhere to the east/west dialectic that commonly reduced the relationship between the two populations to one of colonized and colonizers, though this is not to suggest that no east/west tension exists, rather that its coordinates may have been recalibrated: for the refugees living in Altenburg, their east German neighbours are, of course, westerners. Indeed, while many post-unification films tended to portray a region populated by individuals from a similar socio-economic milieu, resulting in a one-dimensional view of the east German 'other', recent films enable a differentiated picture of east German society, one that not only foregrounds the everyday lives of young (teenage and early twenties) east Germans but also one that acknowledges the region's increasingly heterogeneous makeup.
Increasingly, it is Germany's vulnerable, socially excluded groups that are central to these films' narratives, and, for the first time, these do not consist only of poor, disenfranchised east Germans, but also acknowledge recent arrivals from the east and beyond. 43 It would be wrong to suggest that the Ostwind ser ies constitutes any ideologically grounded opposition to dominant modes of representation. The series producers may assert that the films offer a unique take on life in the east, but this ignores the contributions made by other independent filmmakers over the years, even if these films did not generally enjoy the exposure offered through public service broadcasting. However, the films referred to, and discussed here, do represent a shift in discourse, extending the field of vision to the margins and allowing audiences some insight into lives that have mostly been ignored. The films do not offer a positive 43 In addition to the films already mentioned, one can point to similar themes and concerns in Netto, Das Lächeln der counter-position of the east, one that cancels out the presence, say, of neo-Nazis, or shifts the focus away from unemployment. Nor do they ascribe the region's problems to the difficulties of adapting to life in the Federal Republic or indict the west Germans' administration of the new states. Rather, they offer a multi-perspectival view of the east. In contrast to the earlier social dramas, often 'narcissistic self-reflections without real references to society', these final Ostwind films confront standard representations of the east, acknowledging the region's diversity, from its undesirable representatives to its new arrivals, the old, established residents and the young generation. 44 Though less consistent than the producers might think, the significance of the Ostwind series should not be underestimated. In articulating those stories that 'are kept silent and out of view rather than actually not existing', these films represent counter-narratives to commercial accounts of the east. 45 These more nuanced views of Germany's diverse communities and cultures offer insights into marginalized and de-centred groups and challenge the mainstream's adherence to an exc lusionary narrative of a homogeneous, ethnocentric community.